By Kerry H Whiteside
During this publication Kerry Whiteside introduces the paintings of a number French ecological theorists to an English-speaking viewers. He indicates how thinkers in France and in English-speaking nations have produced various traces of ecological concept and means that the paintings of French ecological theorists may perhaps reduce pervasive tensions in Anglophone ecology. a lot of the speculation written in English is formed through the talk among anthropocentric ecologists, who contend that the worth of our nonhuman atmosphere derives from their function in enjoyable human pursuits, and ecocentric ecologists, who contend that the nonhuman international holds final worth in and of itself. This debate is nearly nonexistent between French theorists, who are inclined to concentrate on the techniques linking nature and human id. Whiteside means that the insights of French theorists may well support English-language theorists to extricate themselves from never-ending debates over the true heart of nature's worth. one of the French theorists mentioned are Denis de Rougemont, Denis Duclos, René Dumont, Luc Ferry, André Gorz, Félix Guattari, Bruno Latour, Alain Lipietz, Edgar Morin, Serge Moscovici, and Michel Serres. The English-language theorists mentioned contain John Barry, Robyn Eckersley, Robert Goodin, Tim Hayward, Holmes Rolston III, and Paul Taylor.
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Extra info for Divided Natures: French Contributions to Political Ecology
Is it possible that economists’ views of “rationality” rest on one-sided views of human nature? Problematizing Nature 25 1968: Political Uncertainties of a Nascent Ecology Movement The next stage in the development of French ecologism arose out of a rebellion against every form of technocratic thinking. In May 1968, after 10 years of paternalistic government dominated by General Charles de Gaulle, French university students and then workers took to the streets, occupying factories and parts of central Paris.
Economically, nuclear power represented a virtually inexhaustible means of powering economic development; militarily, it secured France’s independent nuclear defense strategy. At the same time, the anti-nuclear movement’s ambiguities made it an easy target for critics (Faivret et al. 1980). First, the movement was not clear about what, exactly, it was opposing. Was it a particular power plant? Or was it France’s entire nuclear power program? Was it a particularly dangerous technology or amoral scientism more generally?
Workers demanded a larger share of their society’s burgeoning wealth and more control over their working conditions. Guy Debord, Raoul Vaneigem, and other “Situationists” of 1968 criticized urban gigantism, loneliness, and the pursuit of quantity of goods rather than quality of relationships in everyday life (Simmonet 1982: 54, 94). They railed against routinization, hierarchy, and citizen passivity. Direct political engagement—outside the rigid structures of the established parties—was the order of the day.