Dynamic International Oil Markets: Oil Market Developments by C. van der Linde

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By C. van der Linde

Writing this booklet may were very unlikely with out assistance from definite associations and folks. For a gas-producing and oil-processing nation just like the Netherlands, there has been unusually little or no, publicly to be had, learn fabric. Public libraries' collections contained, with a definite measure of inconsistency, little of the extra specialized assets. i might hence prefer to exhibit my gratitude in the direction of Royal Dutch Shell, and particularly the library employees within the Hague, for permitting me to exploit the company's library, thanking them for his or her information find and offering the necessary information. i'm additionally thankful for the monetary tips of the 'Nederlandse organisatie voor wetenschappelijk onderzoek' (NWO) and the school of legislation of the collage of Leiden. They supplied the monetary capacity to paintings a (crucial) month within the rather well outfitted library of the Oxford Institute for strength experiences. i'm indebted to the workers of the Oxford Institute for power reports, and especially to Robert Mabro and Jeremy Turk, for his or her reviews, help, and friendship. After I spent a month within the Institute in July 1989, i used to be capable of go back for 2 five-month sessions in 1990 and 1991. For either classes, the Oxford Institute and the Leiden legislation school supplied me with the mandatory capability. i might additionally wish to exhibit certain gratitude to a few those that were a good aid and provided me with worthy reviews at quite a few phases of the study.

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Extra info for Dynamic International Oil Markets: Oil Market Developments and Structure 1860–1990

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The North African countries wanted to limit the control of the large international oil companies in charge of the consortia operating in Iraq, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. The governments, especially the Libyan government, not only decided to limit the size of the concessions but also to allot the concessions to a larger number of companies. This policy coincided with the desire of the smaller American 'Independents' and European state oil companies to expand in international oil exploration and production.

In 1928, Exxon, BP and Royal Dutch Shell established an international cartel when they concluded the 'As Is' Agreement and the 'Red Line' Agreement and instituted the 'Gulf Plus' price system. 46 The stability of the cartel was strengthened by the implementation in 1928 of a conservation policy in the US. This corporate cartel was a true accord among the main international oil companies, and the smaller companies behaved more or less in acquiescence. In 1947, this cartel was transformed into a new cartel and four more companies were included in it.

Mainly, economists from OPEC countries have tried to demonstrate that OPEC lacks several of the essential prerequisites to be considered a cartel. 53 Alnasrawi54 for example states that: "The problem with a cartel theory as applied to OPEC is that it is imposed on the pricing behavior of an intergovernmental organization that lacks the necessary conditions and attributes of a commodity cartel. Economic theory on the subject of commodity cartels is explicit. In order for a cartel to exist in a market, certain features are called for, including an output quota system that determines the share of each member in the total output of the industry; an agreed-upon common price or price structure; and an agreement on quantitative and/or geographic market sharing.

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